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THOMAS CHILTON, 

OJ 1 KENTUCKY, 



TO HIS COJ*TSTITITEtfT& 



WASHINGTON Gixi, FEBRUARY 27, 183,* 

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C7" True to your Country, and your country's cause, J2Q 
Let not your course be dictated by cither temerity or timidity^ 



WASHINGTON , D. O. 

PRINTED BY STEPHEN C VSTJCKt 

1831. 







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CIRCULAR ADDRESS 



To the Citizens and Voters of the Eleventh Congressional 
District of Kentucky, composed of the Counties of Hen- 
derson, Muhlenburgh, Butler, Ohio, Daviess, Hancock, 
Breckenridge, Meade, Grayson, Hardin, Hart, and part 
of Edmonson. 



Fellow Citizens : I am approaching the close of the fourth 
session of my service as your Representative in Congress; 
and am constrained by that circumstance, in surrendering up 
my charge for the present, to render with it an account of the 
course which as vour humble ajjent I have endeavored most 
steadfastly and undeviatingly to pursue. I need not open this 
communication with a studied exordium, with a view to attract 
and rivet the attention of the reader — for spice it as I may, 
unless I detail such facts, and dwell upon such subjects, as 
immediately connect themselves with your interests and na- 
tional happiness, the narration will grow stale even while you 
read it. If I have ever witnessed a period of my life which 
rendered a full and fair explanation of my political course and 
conduct necessary,, that period is the present. It is due to 
my former friends — it is due to my country — and, lastly, it is 
due to myself. In undertaking this task, I have one thing 
above all others to request: it is, that no one, who claims to 
be a reasonable man and a freeman, will so far permit himself 
to be blinded by prejudice, as to deafen his ears and close his 
eyes against the voice and light of truth. Should this request 
be granted me, I am persuaded that those who may even differ 
with me upon some political topics, upon perusing this com- 
munication, candidly and without prejudice, will discover the 
consistency of my course. 

"Within the district which I have had the honor to represent 
for four years, I can say with conscious pleasure, that if the 
first or slightest exception has ever been taken to a single 
vote which I have given in Congress, it has been, and yet 
remains to me unknown. I have endeavored in all things to 
consult the interest of my constituents ; and so successful 
were my efforts, up to a certain memorable era in mv political 
history, that when I returned to them, I was haiied as the 



the countries' friend, and cheered with the most animating 
plaudits. With some of those who were once loudest in the 
colloquy of adulation, it is not so now. And why ? Is it be- 
cause I have violated any single pledge made by me to the 
people? Certainly not; for I can and will shew, that I have 
punctiliously redeemed every promise which I made, and that 
in my sentiments as to measures, I have undergone no change, 
notwithstanding I have been compelled, by a much regretted 
necessity, to change my opinions concerning men. Is it that 
I have, in my political course, in any instance, opposed the 
great and fundamental principles of our Government, and 
advocated doctrines hostile to the purity of its institutions? 
I trust not; for under its sacred principles I was born, and 
have grown up, and from my infancy have been taught to ve- 
nerate them. No : the real cause has not yet been approached ; 
but I will now proceed briefly to consider it. 

To place this matter in a proper point of view, a brief 
recapitulation and retrospect of facts will be necessary. 

When, in the year 1826, I removed to the district in which 

I now reside, liulliiiig -wac farther from my thoughts, than that 

I should at any period become a candidate for Congress with- 
in its limits. It was at a period which just preceded the 
opening of the last contest for the presidential chair; a con- 
test marked with so much heat and violence, that even the 
patriot shudders while he indulges its retrospect — and with a 
throbbing heart lifts his eyes to Heaven in thankfulness, that 
the liberty of his country is still respiring, notwithstanding 
the numerous shocks it has encountered. The country began 
to exhibit signs of agitation as the conflict approached ; and, 
in the 11th District, it was thought that even a cloud could 
not be thrown over the prospects of Mr. Adams. For perhaps 
more than a year, I was engaged in the editorial department 
of the Newspaper published in Elizabeth Town, previous to 
my becoming a candidate, and as my constituents well know, 
my humble efforts were most assiduously devoted to the cause 
Of General Jackson, who at that time stood charged by his ene- 
mies with almost every outrage contained in the catalogue of 
cruelty and crime. He was charged with having wickedly 
slandered the brave and patriotic sons of Kentucky, by brand- 
ing them with having ingloriously fled before the enemy — in 
calling them cowards— and by obstinately persisting in this 
alleged slander, even after time had been aftbrded him to cool 
'his passions and correct his judgment upon the subject. Not- 
withstanding my State pride, on the one hand, and the serious 



character of these charges, on the other; such was the infatu- 
ating influence which his military fame exerted over me, that 
I paused ~ot to count the cost, but rushed into the ranks of 
his supporters and defenders, regardless of tod and danger; 
and, as I now perceive, was very often, by my zeal, betrayed 
into errors, upon which I look with deep regret. 

As the contest grew warmer, my individual exertions were 
redoubled — I became a candidate for Congress ; and I appeal, 
as well to the friends as the foes of General Jackson, when I 
say, that from side to side, and from end to end of the dis- 
trict, I stood forth as an undaunted advocate for him. I dis- 
regarded the peril of life and health. 1 disregarded the 
neglect of my private business ; I looked with indifference 
upon the rapid decline and wasteful expenditure of an humble 
fortune; and, urged on by the fire of youth, and a veneration 
for the Chieftain, I exposed myself to the just reproaches of 
many whose judgments had gathered the riper fruits of age 
and experience. One thing I very distinctly remember: it 
is, that when I was first announced a candidate for Congress, 
as the friend of General Jackson, the idea that any man should 
calculate upon success in that district, under such a declara- 
tion, was almost universally ridiculed and considered pre- 
posterous. The obstacles, however, which this, with a variety 
of other circumstances threw in my path, did not deter me, 
I encountered the difficulties which 1 met on the way, with 
perhaps more courage than prudence ; yet over them all I 
proved successful — and was returned as your Representative. 

The contest for the highest office within the gift of the 
People was then, as I have before intimated, going on between 
Mr. Adams and General Jackson ; and their respective friends. 
And now I will proceed to inquire, what were the grounds 
taken by myself against the former, and in favor of the latter; 
and what were the pledges which I gave to those, whose suf- 
frages I sought? If we uttejid closely to these questions, 
and then take into consideration and comparison with them, 
my course as the Representative of the 11th District, it may 
easily and clearly be ascertained whether I have been faithful 
as a public servant — whether tny pledges have been redeemed 
— and whether the charge of inconsistency and fickleness of 
purpose should rest on me, or on those under whose banner I 
once so cheerfully fought. 

The first objection, then, urged against Mr. Adams, was, 
that he had descended from a father, whose administration 
was marked with some acts of intolerance while fillin*; the 



a 

.same elevated station. Admit the truth of all this ; yet it 
was unkind and somewhat unnatural to hold the son respon- 
sible tor the acts of the father, over whom he had no control. 
I wish, however, to be distinctly understood, once for all, 
as not intending to attempt a justification of any impropriety 
cither in the father or the son ; but my object is to enumerate 
the leading objections which were urged by the friends of our 
present Chief Magistrate, against Mr. .]. Q. Adams, and by 
myself among the rest ; and then, by adverting to facts, which 
are perfectly undeniable in their character, to show that the 
same objections, or most of them, apply with fourfold appro- 
priateness to General Jackson. In fine, it is roj object to 
shew that, instead of my having abandoned General Jackson, 
he has abondoned both his principles and his friends; and, 
that in the course which I have pursued, I have been actuated 
alone by principles of justice, regard for what I believe to be 
the interets of the People, and a desire to be pertinaciously 
consistent. 

The second argument used against the re-election of Mr. 
Adams was, that four years, or one term, was as long as any 
man could be permitted to wield the destinies of this nation, 
without endangering the public safety. That the power and 
patronage of the President were so immensely great, that the 
vital interests of the nation demanded their frequent trans- 
mission into other hands, and a rigid scrutiny, on the part of 
the People, into the manner of their exercise. 

I appeal to a generous and candid public, when I ask the 
question, where is the man, in the District which I have re- 
presented, who ever heard me deliver a political address to 
the People, and did not hear me expressly avow, and earnestly 
advocate this doctrine ? Or where the man who did not hear 
me expressly declare, that I never would vote for the same 
man to fill that office a second time r I am persuaded that 
such an individual cannot be found ; and hence I am not in- 
consistent in saying, that I cannot again vote for General 
Jackson — but should be grossly so, if I were to say that I 
would. 

The third objection to Mr. Adams was, that he was indulg 
ing in a system of extravagance which would certainly, and 
speedily, bankrupt the nation. The specifications under this 
general charge were, in part, the following: Penknives, for the 
use of the members of Congress; quills, ink, paper, wafers, 
wax, and tape ; crape for mourning the death of deceased 
members; sandboxes, sand, and, indeed, many other small 



articles, too tedious to be named. It these were abuses, under 
the administration of Mr. Adams, they can be nothing else 
under the present administration, as they are all continued 
just as they were. In reference to these items, therefore, it 
would seem that the community has gained but little by the 
change to compensate for all its losses, of which I will hereafter 
more particularly speak. 

The grand aggregate of the expenditures of the Government* 
however, under Mr. Adams, was considered appalling to every 
feeling of republican economy. "With a strict eye to justice, 
between the parties, let us inquire what has the country 
gained, thus far, on that score, and what particular advantage 
has been derived from the change of financiers. 

The total expenditure of the Government, during the first 
year of Mr. Adams's Administration, was g £3,585,804 72 — 
less, by the sum of gl, 186,476 66 cents, than the amount ex- 
pended during the first year of the present Administration. 

It would seem that the change in this respect, is materially 
forthe worse; nor can a denial of it place the matter on any 
belter footing. But I consider it wholly unnecessary, that I 
should consume time and labor, in contrasting the second 
year of Mr. Adams, with the corresponding year of General 
Jackson — as it will amply answer my purpose to advert to 
facts which shew a continued increase of prodigality in the 
administration of the Government. I would however upon 
that subject merely remark, that the expenditures of the se- 
cond year of the General, exceed those of the second of 
Mr. Adams by the sum of g 993,542, 36. 

General Jackson entered on the discharge of his official 
duties in 1829, under auspicious circumstances; such, in- 
deed, as his best friends fondly hoped would lead to the most 
desirable results. They well knew that they had been clam- 
orous upon the subject of national prodigality, and that the 
country looked for a radical change of policy, upon a change 
of men. This change I willingly admit, so far as an increas- 
ed waste of money, and a cruel system of unparrelled pro- 
scription are concerned, has been realized. 

The year 1829, opened with a balance in the treasury of 
g 5,972,435 81. The receipts into the treasury during that 
year were g 24,827,627 38, which being added to the sum 
remaining in the treasury, as before stated, gives the amount 
subject to appropriation for the support nf thfe Government, 
for that year, R 30,800,063 19. 



8 

The total expenditure for the same year was 825,044,358 40 
— more, by $216,731 02, than the actual receipts into the 
treasury, from all sources, during the same year. 

This policy I think is unsound ; for a nation, like an indi- 
vidual family, is on the decline, whenever its expenditures 
are permitted to exceed its income. 

The result is, that the year 1830 opens with a balance in 
the treasury of g 5,755,704 79— less by §210,731 02, than 
the balance in the same, when General Jackson became its 
keeper. It will be perceived that the excess of expenditure 
over the amount of revenue for 1829, corresponds precisely 
with the last stated sum; because that excess, of course, was 
drawn from the surplus in the treasury on the 1st of January, 
1829. From this statement, which is supported by the report 
of the Secretory of the Treasury, it manifestly appears, that 
instead of gaining any thing in reference to money matters, 
during the first year of Gen. Jackson, we have lost TWO HUN- 
DRED AND SIXTEEN THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED 
AND THIRTY-ONE DOLLARS AND TWO CENTS. 

"We will now examine, as to what we have gained during 
the second year of the present administration. During the 
vear 1830, the total receipts into the treasury from all sources, 
are estimated at $24,101,018 79— less by S 606,608 59, thaa 
during the year 1829. Here is an awful falling off in the 
revenue ; and one which remains to be accounted for. The 
receipts, however, of 1830, being added to the balance in 
the treasury, on the first day of January of the same year, 
amount to $29,916,723 38. From this sum deduct the esti- 
mated expenditure for that year, $25,096,941 82, and you. 
have remaining in the treasury on the first day of the present 
year, £4,319,781, 76— less by S 935,923, 03, than on the first 
of the preceding January. Thus it appears that the antici- 
pated profit, which was so confidently expected, and so often 
promised, has, during the second year of General Jackson's 
administration resulted in a loss, and balance against us, of 
NINE HUNDRED AND THIRTY FIVE THOUSAND, 
NINE HUNDRED AND THIRTY-THREE DOLLARS, 
AND THREE CENTS, for that year alone. The great ex- 
cess of expenditure over the amount of receipts does not, how- 
ever, constitute the only alarming feature presented in this 
inquiry ; for it will be found to be true, that the excess com- 
plained of not only exists in reference, as before shewn, to 
the disbursements from the treasury, and the sums received 
into it during the same year; but that the expenditures eff 



9 

1830, exceed those of 1829, the sum of 8 52,583 42. These 
things previous to the late presidential election, would have 
been viewed and depicted in the most horrible colors. But 
now, that the main object for which less exceptionable occur- 
rences under another administration were denounced with 
bitterest acrimony is accomplished, the clamor is still; the 
penknife story is seldom, if ever, repeated ; the Eastern Room, 
with all its regal and recent splendor, is forgotten ; and most 
of the people-loving patriots of 1828, are found sleeping on 
their posts — and even in their dreams of security, pouring 
out their bitterest invectives upon those who cannot bow 
down and worship their Idol with them, nor justify his 
mistaken and ruinous policy. 

I have, however, adverted to the subject of the increased 
expenditure of the Government, not because I supposed it to 
constitute the strongest ground of objection to the course 
pursued by General Jackson — for it is figuratively but a drop 
in the ocean — but merely with a view to shew the People 
how they have been disappointed and deceived, and at the 
same time to meet the arguments which greatly facilitated the 
overthrow of his predecessor, 

I could, if time and space would permit, shew how it has 
happened that the gross amount of expenditure has been 
increased; but inasmuch as I design to dwell at some length 
upon the progress and practical effect of that system of pro- 
scription, which, ashamed of its own real name, has borrowed 
the title of " reform," I will at present forbear to speak more 
particularly of it in detail. 

That Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay were devoted to what is call- 
ed the "American System" and to " Internal Improvements," 
was well known to the Western people ; and by them admit- 
ted. And that in each of those systems, they felt, and still 
feel, a deep and lively interest, cannot — will not be denied. 
"When the friends of those gentlemen urged their superior 
claims on the West, on account of the coincidence of opinion 
which existed between them and us ; we met them with decla- 
rations that General Jackson would go as far to advance those 
systems, as they could possibly go. 1 well remember, and sure 
I am the people cannot have forgotten, that I stood as an 
individual directly pledged to oppose any man who opposed 
either of those great systems of national policy; wherefore, 
I cannot be justly charged with inconsistency, on account of 
my opposition to General Jackson's course in relation to each of 
them, considering him, as 1 do, their arch and dangerous enemy, 
o. 



10 

Did not the people of Kentucky in general* and of the dis- 
trict which I represent, in particular, vote for Gen. Jackson 
under the belief that he was friendly to the Tariff, and In- 
ternal Improvements? I can anticipate the answer, which 
candor must give. The extent then, to w Inch we have been 
deceived, and the important connexion in which those subjects 
stand, with eur national prosperity, may now be justly consid- 
ered. Thai the system is one of the greatest conceivable 
importance, I am persuaded no man, who will dispassionately 
consider it, can doubt. It is by improving the internal condi- 
tion of our country, that it is beautified, and that the desert 
its made to blossom like .he rose. By it the honest agricultu- 
ralist, the laboring farmer, has the rivers and the roads of his 
country opened for the transportation of the fruits of his in^ 
dustry to market — the operations of the enterprising exporter 
of our surplus produce, are facilitated — and the intercourse 
Between the different parts of the world is both increased 
and improved, by securing the more speedy and certain trans- 
portation of our mails. Another important advantage result- 
ins from the encouragement of this system is, that it throws 
into circulation large sums of money, and gives employment 
to numerous thousands of our fellow men, wresting them from 
destruction and poverty. 

Previous to the late Presidential Election, how boldly wa> 
it asserted, and how fondly anticipated, that, if General 
Jackson should succeed in the contest, Kentucky, which, 
though valiant in war and generous in peace, had so long been 
neglected, would soon realize the benefits of discreet and pru- 
dent appropriations for internal improvements within her 
limits. General Jackson was elected ; but what then ? Con- 
gress passed a bill making an appropriation for the purpose 
of improving and turnpiking the road from Maysville to Lex- 
ington, with a view to extend it on through our section of 
Kentucky, south-westwardly, to Nashville and Florence, 
Alabama, &.c. But what was its fate in the hands of General 
Jackson ? Did he take into consideration that not one dollar 
had ever been given to us for Internal Improvement ; and did 
he shew towards us that kindness which we had expected, or 
that justice which we had a right to demand ? No; he did 
neuter. But after having received our support for the sta- 
tion which he fills, he suffered himself to be cajoled into the 
idea that Kentuckians could dispense with roads, as easily as 
their Militia could fight ivithoitt guns. Hence he placed the 
veto of his (disapprobation upon our prospects in the one case 



a 

as lie did upon our patriotism in the other. I have often at- 
tempted to excuse his conduct towards Kentucky and her 
sons, on a former occasion ; but when lie seems determined to 
oppose every policy, in which Kentucky has an interest, I 
cannot avoid a suspicion that his former attack resulted from 
some deep rooted hostility to the State. His conduct in rela- 
tion to the Louisville Canal Bill was equally reprehensible, 
and furnishes additional evidence of what I have before ad- 
vanced. My Fellow Citizens, you- should awake to a sense 
of your real situation : you should look around you, and view 
the millions after millions of dollars which are lavished upon 
other States, and then see what has been done for you. That 
you may view this matter properly, and no longer be kept in 
darkness, I will give you the precise amount which each State 
has drawn from the Treasury, since the adoption of the Fede-- 
ral Constitution, to the 31st December, 1829, for Fortifica- 
tions, Light houses, and Internal Improvements; under which 
heads, Kentucky has never received one solitary dollar, noC 
under any other, except for the pay of her soldiers. 

For the objects, above specified, the State of Maine, has 
received the sum of $177,968 08 cents. The State of New 
Hampshire, S196,7i>0 18; Massachusetts, $1,527,1 16 12; 
Rhode Island, $710,784 51; Connecticut, $236,726 86; 
Vermont, $4,729 22; New York, $3,844,964 26; New 
Jersey, $23,701 17; Pennsylvania, $261,972 00; Dela- 
ware, $766,330 12; Maryland, $1,183,524 42; Virginia, 
$2,779,963 92; North Carolina, $641,919 91 ; South Ca- 
rolina, $864,549 66; Georgia, $426,159 99; Kentucky, 
|Q°-not a dollar!!!; Tennessee, $17,11 1 18; Ohio, $478,- 
684 68; Louisiana, $1,969,986 35; Indiana, $115,392 49; 
Mississippi, $54,691 38; Illinois, $8,994,36; Alabama, 
$1,281,717 59; Missouri, $29 ,€63 78; Michigan Terri- 
tory, $139,867 57; Arkansas Territory, §47,477 20; 
Florida Territory, §206,955 16 ; The District of Co- 
lumbia, $43,781 74 cents. 

Burins the four years of Mr. Adams' Administration, there 
was appropriated for the purpose of removing obstructions to 
the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, the sum 
of g 162,043 18, while, unfortunately for the West, the hum- 
ble appropriation of the first year of General Jackson's ad- 
ministration, for opening a channel around the falls of the 
Ohio, was unceremoniously withheld. I know the apologies 
which the General's friends, and particularly his arch seducer, 
have attempted to plead for him ; but a very brief examina 



12 

tion of the grounds which they assume, w ill clear'y demo:l 
strate their futility; and present a fair picture of the weak- 
ness of human nature, even when viewed in the Presidential 
Chair. 

The hue and crv has been raised against me, by some of 
those who once professed to believe with me, upon the sub- 
ject of Internal Improvements; and as a proof that I have 
changed, they urge as an argument the fact that I am opposed 
to General Jackson. The question, by his course, was fairly 
presented to me, whether I would prove traitor to my con- 
science, my country, and my constituents ; or abandon him. 
He had abandoned himself to the most reckless disregard of 
his former principles ; the very principles upon which I, and 
the people of the District which I represent, supported him. 
And when I was called upon to bow with the servility of a 
menial to his political whims, at the sacrifice too, of every 
honest conviction and semblance of consistency ; as a ser- 
vant of the people, and a republican, it required no stu- 
died effort to determine my course ; and therefore if he 
Ghooses to follow Mr. Van Buren, and to adopt the very policy 
which he, General Jackson, so uniformly opposed previous to 
his election, and by which opposition he was enabled to en- 
snare the unsuspecting West — -let him go, I surely will not 
bear him company. 

I repeat again, as I have asserted before, that Kentucky sup- 
ported Gen. Jackson, believing him to be the friend of Internal 
Improvements} and that too without any of the hair spun 
distinctions and qualifications which he endeayors to throw 
around his official dereliction of his former political faith, 
since he has felt the power and influence of the "Magician's 
WandJ 1 While I was his warm supporter, I relied upon his 
votes as a Senator of the U. States, to prove this fact. They may 
be remembered by you ; but lest they may have been forgotten, I 
will briefly turn your attention to them again ; examine them, 
and you will perceive that I am consistent, while even the Gene- 
ral's best friends dare not deny, that he has changed. That 
he has disappointed the hopes of his friends, and verified the 
predictions of his enemies — let facts speak. 

In the year 1823-4, and at other periods, the question in 
various shapes was presented to the Senate of the. United 
States. General Jackson was then a member, and the follow- 
ing extracts from the Journal of that body will shew, that he 
was in favor of the system, even beyond what its warmest 
supporters would require of him. Mark, however, that Mar- 



13 

tin Van Buren, his present chief counsellor, ivas opposed to 
him in every vote — and in favor of the precise policy which 
his magic, or some other power, lias palmed upon the Execu- 
tive, as being in accordance with the interest of the country. 

extract. 

1824 — April 2o. — The Senate resumed the bill "to procure 
the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject 
of Roads and Canals." 

Mr. Smith, of Maryland, moved that there be inserted, at 
the end of the first section, the following proviso: 

" Provided, That nothing herein contained, shall be con- 
strued to affirm or admit a power in Congress, on their own 
authority, to make Roads or Canals within an)' of the States 
of the Union."' 

Mr. Van Dyke moved to add to this amendment the follow- 
ing : 

" Jind provided, also, That, previous to making any of the 
aforesaid surveys, the consent of the States through which the 
said surveys are to be made, shall first be obtained by the 
President, from the Legislatures of the States respectively, 
agreeeing that such surveys may be made.*' 

The question upon agreeing to this motion of Mr. Van Dyke, 
was decided as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Chandler, Elliott, Gaillard, 
Kino- of N. Y. Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Taylor 
of Va. VAX BUREN, Van Dyke, Ware— 15. 

Nays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Branch, Brown, Clayton, 
D'Wolf, Eatou, Edwards, Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Me. 
Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, 
Josiah S. Johnston, King of Ala. Knight, -Lanman, Lloyd 
of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Ruggles, Seymour, Talbot, Taylor 
of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 28. 

The question was then taken upon agreeing to the amend- 
ment of Mr. Smith, as above stated, and decided as follows: 

Yeas. — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, 
D'Wolf, Elliott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of 
Ala. King of N. Y. Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, 
Smith, Taylor of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, Ware— 21. 

Nays — Messrs, Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, 
Edwards, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, Johnson of 
Ky. Henrv Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Knight, Lan- 
man, Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Ruggles, Sey- 
mour, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 



14 

Mr. Holmes, of Maine, then mo-vcd to add to the first sec- 
tion the following: 

"Provided, And the faith of the United States is hereby 
pledged, that no money shall ever be expended for Roads or 
Canals, except it shall be among the several States, and in 
the same proportions as direct taxes are laid and assessed by 
the provisions of the Constitution." 

And the question being taken upon said motion, it was de- 
cided as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, D'Wolf, 
Elliott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of N. Y. 
Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, 
Taylor of Va. VAN BUREN, Ware— IP. 

frays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Clayton, Dickerson, 
Eaton, Edwards, Ilayne, Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, John- 
son of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, King 
of Al i. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Ruggles, 
Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Van Dyke, 

Williams— 27. 

No farther amendment being proposed, the question upon 
the third reading of the bill was decided as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, 
Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. JACKSON, Johnson of 
Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Lanman, 
Lloyd of Mass. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, 
Ru«gles, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 

jVVys_M essrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, 
D ? Wolf* Edwards, Rliiott, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of 
Ala. King of N. V. Knight, Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, 
Taylor, of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, Ware— 21. 

1324 — May 19 — On the question of passing to a third read- 
ing the bill " To improve the navigation of the Ohio and 
Mississippi rivers," the votes were as follows: 

T^—Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, D'Wolf, Dickerson, 
Eaton, Findlay, Holmes of Mass. JACKSON, Johnson of 
Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Lanman, 
Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Parrott, Ruggles, 
Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 

]\f a y S — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, 
Clayton, Edwards, Elliott, Gaillard, Hayne, Holmes, of Me. 
Kuigof Ala, King of N. Y. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, 
Taylor of Va. VAN BUREN, Van Dyke, Wa-e— 29. 

1826— Feb. 21— On the passage of the bill authorising a 



15 

subscription of stock in the Chesapeake and Delrware Can-a 
Company, the votes were as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Bouligny, Biown, D'Wolf, Dick- 
erson, Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, JACKSON, Johnson of Ky. 
Johnston of Lou. Kelly, Laninan, Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, 
Mcllvaine, Noble, Parrot, Ruggles, Smith, Talbot, 1 homas, 
Van Dyke, Williams — 24. 

Nays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, 
Holmes of Me. CLyton, Elliott, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. King 
of Ala. King of N. Y. Knight, McLean, Macon, Seymour, 
Tazewell, VAN BUREN— 18. 

From these extracts, it evidently appears, 
1st, That General Jackson and Mr. VanBuren were in utter 
political hostility upon the subject of Internal Improvement, 
voting in every instance precisely opposite to each odier. 

2ndly, That the President did "affirm and admit" the 
power of Congress, on " their own authority," to make roads 
and canals within any of the Stages of the Union. 

3dly, That the consent of the States, through which roads 
and other improvements were to pass, was not necessary. 

4thly, That money should be expended for roads, and ca- 
nals, though not in proportion, " as direct taxes are laid and 
assessed by the provisions of the Constitution." 

5thly, That it was both constitutional and expedient, "to 
improve the Navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers ! ! 
6thly, That it was perfectly constitutional, equitable, and 
expedient to subscribe for stock in Canal Companies !!!!!!! ! 
With what astonishment, and even disgust, must a friend to 
this great system ; a friend who supported the elevation of 
General Jackson, with the foregoing evidences before his eyes, 
look upon the veto message of that gentleman, as well as the 
various other proofs with which we are furnished, of the total 
abandonment of his principles of 1824? The question is 
easily answered. 

Let us now inquire, what has produced this unfortunate 
and unexpected change? Is it that there are no fixed princi- 
ples of propriety in Government? Is it, that what was so 
clearly right in 1824, is both ruinous and wrong, in 1829-30? 
Or is it, that the same secret and mysterious power was 
exerted over him in this matter, which has so recently and so 
unfortunately led to an open rupture in the Cabinet; a rup- 
ture which must fix an indelible stain upon the bright escutch- 
eon of our national honor and dignity? If called upon to 
determine, I should strongly suspect the latter cause. But, 



16 

to give the executive the full benefit of every apology which 
he may desire to plead for the change, let us attend for a mo- 
ment to the arguments urged in its defence. 

He informs us that, in the first place, the National Debt 
should be paid*'' It is a well known fact that I have always been 
a zealous advocate for the payment of this debt, and am still 
so, but how does this help the consistency of the President? 
"Was there no national debt in 1824, to be paid? And were 
the means of paying it more ample then, than at present; or 
in 1829? In 1823-4, as will appear by a reference to the re- 
port of Mr. Crawford, who was then Secretary of the Treasu- 
ry, the Public Debt was more than Ninety Millions of dollars, 
and the treasury able to pay but little more than the interest 
on that sum. Yet this awful debt on the one hand, and the 
low state of the funds for its payment on the other, produced 
no alarm in the bosom of General Jackson. He votes for 
ever)' Internal Improvement Bill, in direct opposition to the 
policy of Mr. Van Buret). But now that the debt is nearly 
paid off, and the treasury is boasted of as being redundant, the 
"Public Debt,''' for the first time, springs up before him, and 
like one of Pharaoh's lean kine, devours that system of grad- 
ual improvement, upon which the farmer depends for a road, 
or a river, to convey the fruits of his labor to market. 

But, secondly, he informs us, that we must be restrained by 
his vetoing power, from making or encouraging improvements 
which are "local" in their character, and not national. This 
apology is lame indeed, but not more so, than the position 
which it was designed to defend. What improvement is not 
local, and limited; or in other words, located somewhere? 
Is not the completion of the Louisville and Portland Canal 
an improvement of the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers; and did not the General vote for such a measure in 
1823-4? And did he not vote for an appropriation of money, 
to subscribe for stock in the Chesapeake, and Delaware Canal 
Company ? Why was that more national than the Louisville 
canal, upon which greatly depends the commerce of thirteen 
Slates} The inconsistency, is too glaring; and his friends 
should blush to charge me, or any one else with inconsistency, 
for not agreeing to be whistled on and whistled off, not so much 
by the General himself, as by those in whose political wake, in 
this matter at least, lies i following; and to whom he seems to 
commit the destiny of the nation. We are told in the third 
place, that the system leads to an unequal expenditure, or dis- 
tribution of the public money; and originates disputes i» 



17 

Congress. If this be true, at this time; will those of Gene- 
ra! Jackson's friends, who are determined to support him 
" right or wrong" consistent or inconsistent, inform the com ■ 
m unity, why his sagacity did not perceive these evils in 1824? 
For the same objections which apply to the system now, most 
certainly applied with equal or greater force to it then. I 
might ask, what does not produce disputes in Congress ? 
We see that even a claim that found favor in the General's 
sight ; (and which he stepped aside from all precedent, as well 
as propriety, to single out from thousands of other claims, 
and to recommend,) produced not only a dispute in Congress; 
but that his ill-timed, and extra executive interference, was 
insufficient to force it through. That distributions of public 
money, however, are rendered more unequal, by fostering the 
system of Internal Improvement, is certainly untrue in point 
of fact*. No other system can equalize them. Under the 
system for which he contends, all the money, like our rivers, 
goes to the seaboard — to the ocean — to return no more — to 
erect forts, fortifications, light-houses, ships, sea-walls, buoys, 
beacons, dry docks, harbours, the improvement of sounds, in- 
lets, &c. &c. None of these, either now, or ever will, exist in 
Kentucky. And what has she gotten, or what can she ever 
get, without Internal Improvement ? Nothing — nothing : And 
this is equalizing expenditures — the seaboard all — the Interior 
and the West — none. But to wind up this matter, and to say 
the best of General Jackson's veto message, he has displayed 
a peculiar willingness to disregard and trifle with the known 
will and wishes of the American people. I understood his 
doctrine to be, that the voice of the people should be obeyed. 
It is surely the doctrine of every true republican. The peo- 
ple select their agents to transact their business in Congress ; 
their representatives appropriate the people's money, for the 
people's benefit, and in accordance with their known wishes— 
But General Jackson virtually says, "The people are then- 
own worst enemies, and that to save them from themselves, he 
places his veto upon their will." The king of England 
could do no more, nor has the Executive done less. Had Mr. 
Adams thus exercised this power, public indignation had hurl- 
ed him from his station ; and I fondly hope that the nation is 
yet far, very far, from being prepared to surrender so sacred 
a right, even to General Jackson. The Maysville and Lex- 
ington road bill originally passed, if I mistake not, by a ma- 
joritv of more than two-thirds of the members voting— the 
Rockville and Frederiektown road bill, by a vote of just two 



IS 

to one; yet, and in disregard of this strong expression of the 
public will, they are each doomed to full victims to the .'resi- 
dents veto, and the country to groan under the oppression 
which they were intended to relieve. 

The course of the President, in an endless variety ol 
other respects, has been, and continues to be, utterly incom- 
patible with his former views, and solemn declarations. In 
his letter to Mr. Monroe, he urges the importance of form- 
ing his, (Monroe's) cabinet, without regard to party distinc- 
tions. The General himself ought to blush, when he reflects, 
upon looking around him, that this magnanimous sentiment of 
his better days has suffered such desperate and unfeeling; vi- 
olence. The better feelings of his heart should reproach him, 
when he reflects, how often merit and worth have fallen vic- 
tims to party rancour ; while unoffending innocence has been 
doomed to poverty and wretchedness. But enough f this; 
for humanity sorrowfully dwells upon such a picture. In 
each of his messages, the President declares his conviction, 
that the executive chair should not be filled oftener than for 
one term, by the same individual. He presents in strong 
terms the dangerous tendencies of power, too long continued, 
and recommends an amendment of the Constitution, limi ing 
the President to a single term. Yet, strange to tell, in open 
and most glaring violation of the very principle which he 
himself has laid down — "By permission,"" he again pre- 
sents himself before the American people as a candidate for 
the same office ; under an impression as I suppose, and which 
indeed is urged and avowed by some of his friends, that his re- 
electio7ih essential to the political salvation of the country. IF 
this be the estimate which he sets upon himself, I beg leave 
most respectfully to differ with him in opinion. 

Why need I trace this subject further, cr waste my nwn 
time, and trespass on the public patience, by giving proof af- 
ter proof, of a fact which must must be obvious to even the 
most superficial observer? Some there are, who obstinately 
reluse to see — some, who will not believe. Hopes and pros- 
pects in advance of such may cheer their lonely way — but 
the great mass of the people have no interest in being tleceiv- 
ved ; it is their wish, it is their highest interest, to view things. 
as they are: that they may prepare to have them as they 
ought to be. The demagogue may delight to raise a storm 
that he may ride on it ; the partizan, whose principal merit con- 
sists in his association with a name, and his zeal in blindly 
following his guides without inquiring whither they go; may 



19 

consider it moral treason, to desire that these loftv heads be 
brought low, and that their crooked p^ths be made straight: 
but it is to be hoped, nay, it is true, that there remains a 
moral energy, a redeeming spirit, in the people, which dis- 
dains to see principles, inseparable from their happiness and 
prosperity, made the sport of a medley of politicians, who seek 
only to advance their own purposes, and to perpetuate their 
own power.- Thus much I have said, and thus much the fiery 
attacks made upon me has compelled me to say, of the pre- 
sent administration. 

So far, fellow citizens, as relates to myself in this matter, 
have only to say, that I supported General Jackson, as" 
know many of you did, because I believed he would pursue "\ 
a course of sound policy; and restore peace and purity to 
the country, by correcting the abuses of which his friends 
so loudly complained, and allaying the ferment, which was 
beginning to be visible. In each calculation, I have been 
disappointed. The union of the States seems less secure ; 
dissatisfaction is rising higher and higher in the South ; the 
cabinet is in open confusion; the former extravagance of the 
Government is not merely persevered in, but increased ; pub- 
lic confidence and private friendship are alike destroyed : 
and yet the man who can summon to his aid sufficient moral 
courage to refuse to echo the wild " Hurra"' is destined to 
become a political martyr. 

When I originally set my face against the course pursued 
by the present administration, I was aware that I was ex- 
posing myself to the insatiable wrath and revenge of my 
enemies. In this I have not been disappointed; nor do I 
regard it. Numerous attempts have been made to destroy 
both my public and private standing: It is no more than I 
looked for, and probably its continuance may be my only 
open reward. But I have a reward of which the world can 
never deprive me — a reward which elevation and political 
honor could never bestow, and which malice can never reach: 
it is the approbation of my own heart and conscience ; and a 
conviction that I have acted the part of a faithful public ser- 
vant in advocating both men and measures, when I believed 
them right ; and fearless'y exposing them, when I found 
them wrong. I was perhaps the first to avow openly, my dis- 
satisfaction with General Jackson's policy; and shall be per- 
haps the last forgiven. But when I did so, I thought it my 
duty ; and in this opinion I am now fully confirmed. If my 
country, and my constituents, demand that I be sacrificed, 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




20 iiwiiifiiiiii 

011 895 459 2 

1 submit without a murmur. The time will come, which win 

do justice to iiiv motives; and if I were even certain that 1 
should never again bold an office under 1 the Government, I 
should yet deem this explanation due to my constituents; 
to my country, and my character. 

I will now proceed to close : though there arc many other 
subjects, upon which, if time and space would justify, I should 
feel myself bound to address you. This I must, however, 
omit until my return home. It will then afford me pleasure 
to furnish any information which may be required ; and to 

resent a more general history of our affairs. 

ongress has acted upon a great many subjects during the 

resent session ; one of the most interesting of which is that 
which relates to the scattered remnant of the Patriots of the 
Revolution. We have made, at last, provision for the noble 
militiaman and volunteer, who also fought for our country's 
liberty — I mean, so far as the House of Representatives arc 
concerned. What may be the fate of the bill in the Senate. 
a few days more will determine. I think it will pass. 

I am again before you, as a candidate for Congress, You 
knov. that I rest not my hopes of success on wealth or numerous 
connexions; as in that event they would be vain. 1 rest them 
upon the liberality of my fellow citizens, who took me up 
while a stranger; and whom I have endeavoured faithfully 
to serve. If again elected, your interets shall still be my 
polar star. I hope to see you soon, and in person to express 



my gratitude for your former favor-. 



I beg one thing of 



those into whose hands this address may fall ; and surely 
every honorable man will grant the request, however much 
lie may be opposed to me politically. It is, that, if he should 
feel no interest himself in this document, he will do me the 
favor to pass it to some one who inclines to peruse it. 

I am, Fellow Citizens, 



Your Obedient Servant, 

THO. CHILTOX 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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011 895 459 2 



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